(Komi-Permyak)
Neutr & PAff
Neutr: Case alignment is neutral: the functions S, A, and P are not marked morphologically.
PAff: The function P is marked with affixation.
| (1) | peťa | kotraś-ö | ötöryn. |
|---|
| Petya | run‑prs.3sg | outside |
| ’Petya is running outside.’ (L. P.) | | |
| (2) | peťa | śoj-ö | tort. |
|---|
| Petya | eat‑prs.3sg | cake |
| ’Petya is eating a cake.’ (L. P.) | | |
| (3) | peťa | velöt-ö | ökśiń-ös. |
|---|
| Petya | teach‑prs.3sg | Oksana‑acc |
| ’Petya teaches Oksana.’ (L. P.) | | |
| (4) | peťa | košš-ö | vöv | vör-iś. |
|---|
| Petya | look_for‑prs.3sg | horse | forest‑ela |
| ’Petya is looking for a horse in the forest.’ (Ponomareva 2010: 69) | | | |
| (5) | peťa | viʒ́öt-ö | ökśiń-liś | ńebög-sö. |
|---|
| Petya | watch‑prs.3sg | Oksana‑abl | book‑acc.3sg |
| ’Petya is looking at Oksana’s book.’ (L. P.) | | | |
| (6) | peťa | viʒ́öt-ö | pon-ös. |
|---|
| Petya | watch‑prs.3sg | dog‑acc.1sg |
| ’Petya is looking at my dog.’ (L. P.) | | |
| (7) | peťa | viʒ́öt-ö | ńebög-ös. |
|---|
| Petya | watch‑prs.3sg | book‑acc.1sg |
| ’Petya is looking at my book.’ (L. P.) | | |
| (8) | peťa | viʒ́öt-ö | velötiś-sö. |
|---|
| Petya | watch‑prs.3sg | teacher‑acc.3sg |
| ’Petya is looking at the/his teacher.’ (L. P.) | | |
| (9) | peťa-sö | kyn-t-ö. |
|---|
| Petya‑acc | freeze‑caus‑prs.3sg |
| ’Petya is cold.’ (L. P.) | |
In Komi-Permyak, both the S function of intransitive verbs (1), and the A function of transitive verbs (2) are unmarked (Bartens 2000: 329, Lobanova 2017: 32–35). Nouns with the P function have Differential Object Marking (DOM) determined by the status of the P noun in the animacy hierarchy (cf. object marking in Komi-Zyrian Klumpp (2009.)). Inanimate nouns are usually unmarked (2), whereas animate ones are marked using the accusative case suffix (3). Occasionally animate nouns are also unmarked (4), in which case they have an indefinite reading. Nominals with the P function have their own possessive paradigm in Komi-Permyak, possessee P nouns are always marked using a special case suffix (5). The form of 1Sg possessive accusatives (6)–(7) is the same as the accusative of animate non-possessive nouns. The 3Sg case suffix can express both possession and definiteness, so at times, only the context determines whether the noun is possessed or not (8). The language also has so-called quasi-causative constructions (9), where a 3Sg transitive verb with a causative suffix combines with an accusative-marked argument (F. Gulyás 2016: 171–172).
Author: Nikolett F. Gulyás
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