(Komi-Permyak)

Nom

Nom: Two categories are distinguished from a morphosyntactic perspective: 1. [Sa, Snona, Aa and Anona]; 2. [P]. This type is known as nominative or nominative–accusative.

(1)öndikotraś-ö.
Andreyrunprs.3sg
’Andrey runs.’ (L. P.)

(2)öndiju-öva.
Andreydrinkprs.3sgwater
’Andrey drinks water.’ (L. P.)

(3)öndiviʒ́ćiś-ömaša-ös.
Andreywaitprs.3sgMashaacc
’Andrey is waiting for Masha.’ (L. P.)

(4)öndiviʒ́ćiś-öńebög-sö.
Andreywaitprs.3sgbookacc.3sg
’Andrey is waiting for his book.’ (L. P.)

(5)öndiviʒ́ćiś-ötenö.
Andreywaitprs.3sgyou.acc
’Andrey is waiting for you.’ (L. P.)

(6)myjöndiviʒ́ćiś-ö?
whatAndreywaitprs.3sg
’What is Andrey waiting for?’ (L. P.)

In Komi-Permyak, the nominal S arguments of intransitive verbs (1) and the nominal A arguments of transitive verbs (2)–(6) have nominative case, whereas pronominal P arguments are always accusative (5). Komi-Permyak has Differential Object Marking (DOM, cf. Klumpp 2012). Inanimate objects are usually unmarked (2), while animate ones (3) tend to be marked. Inanimate definite objects (4), however, have a special possessive marked accusative form (Bartens 2000: 92–93, 331–335, Ponomareva 2010: 91–95). P arguments that are personal pronouns (5) and animate non-personal pronouns are always in accusative case, but inanimate non-personal pronouns with the P function are unmarked (6).

Author: Nikolett F. Gulyás


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