(Komi-Permyak)

Adp=NNonGov / Adp=NGov

Adp=NNonGov: Adpositions do not behave like verbs. Their complements appear in base form without inflection.

Adp=NGov: Adpositions do not behave like verbs. Their complements appear in various cases depending on the particular adposition in question.

(1)pubok-ynsulal-öjort-ö.
treesideINEstandPRS.3SGfriend1SG
’My friend is standing by the tree.’ (L. P.)

(2)mebok-ynsulal-öjort-ö.
IsideINEstandlPRS.3SGfriend1SG
’My friend is standing next to me.’ (L. P.)

(3)bok-a-msulal-öjort-ö.
sideINE1SGstandPRS.3SGfriend1SG
’My friend is standing next to me.’ (L. P.)

(4)mebok-a-msulal-öjort-ö.
IsideINE1SGstandPRS.3SGfriend1SG
’My friend is standing next to me.’ (L. P.)

(5)sijalokt-i-s.
(s)he/itcomePST.1SG
’(S)he/it came.’ (L. P.)

(6)sypondalokt-i.
(s)he/itforcomePST.1SG
’I came for her/him/it.’ (L. P.)

(7)gajna-löpanytkama-ys180–190mpaśta.
GaynaDAToppositeKáma3SG180–190mwide
’Opposite Gayna the Kama River is 180–190 metres wide.’ (Korp-Permyak)

In Komi-Permyak, the nominal complements of postpositions appear in their base form most of the time (1). Pronominal complements can also be uninflected (2). Postpositions can be marked for person, in which case the presence of pronominal complements is optional, cf. (3)–(4). Certain postpositions require the so-called dependent pronominal root (6) instead of the base form of the pronoun (5). Some postpositions take complements in case forms other than nominative (7) (cf. Rédei 1978: 91–92, Ponomareva 2010: 139–140, Lobanova 2017: 19).

Author: Nikolett F. Gulyás


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